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Here is one rule Iāve discovered as a consumer of media-celebrity coverage: if you know what a celebrity’s tongue looks like…you probably know too much about him.
To wit:
Yes. So we have, it seems, yet another way that the words “Glenn Beck” can be fairly associated with the words “too much.” This past week, the media formerly known as āmainstreamā have indulged in what can fairly be called an obsession with the Fox News favorite. Whether the guyās being analyzed as a āpost-modern conservativeā or dismissed as “some sort of trans-partisan populist libertarian“–and whether your view tends to skew Beckās recent omnipresence toward the messianic or the miasmic–one thing is clear: we seem to be living within (as The New York Timesās Opinionator blog put it, with only the faintest trace of irony)…the āGlenn Beck Moment.ā Beck is not only on the air; he is also, somehow, in it.
The weekās coverage of Beck (grouped, via the broadest of brushes, into one Beckian bundle) suggests that he is, as a subject of journalism, one of those figures about whom you can say very much and also very little at the same time. Beck the celebrity. Beck the author. Beck the leader. Beck the rabble-rouser. Beck the fear-monger. Beck the Ć©minence green. Beck the truth-teller. Beck the liar. He has been the subject of everything from extensive biographic narrative, to mocking TV takedowns, to straight-faced explorations, to witty deconstructions, to numeric analyses, to satiric portrayals by no less a zeitgeist factory than Saturday Night Live. The sum total of that coverage has an airy qualityāor, more precisely, an errant quality (in every sense of the term). It wanders, refusing to commit to a direction. āIs Glenn Beck Bad for America?ā Time magazine asks, without bothering to answer its own question.
Part of the problem is that it’s an incomplete question. Because one thing that the obsessive coverage of Beck proves is that, paradoxically, we still don’t know what the guy is in the first place–definitionally. Is he a journalist? An entertainer? A fear-monger? A demagogue? Beck is all of those things; but thatās also largely a moot point, because definitions donāt much matter, anyway.
And yet: Beckās compound identity does matter to the extent that it presents a challenge to those who would try to assess his overall cultural value. Which is to say, to journalists. Because each identity carries with it an entirely different set of standards and assumptions: journalism here. Entertainment there. Politicsā¦there. Et cetera. In that sense, Glenn Beck being everywhere also means that Glenn Beck fits in nowhere. As David Frum put it to Rolling Stoneās Tim Dickinson:
Glenn Beck offers pure alienation. Limbaugh denounces Democrats. Beck denounces politicians. Limbaugh is at least a little bit in the solutions business. That is to say, Limbaugh thinks if taxes were lower and the economy were more deregulated, things would be better. Thatās not the point of Glenn Beck. Heās advocating a completely different approach: That thereās a dominant outside world that is hostile and alien and threatening.
And all that is, in its way, troubling. Journalists, after all, are, among other things, cartographers: they map their subjects, charting their locations upon the rocky terrain of our shared cultural life. As such, they also prefer to perceiveāand presentāpolitics as playing themselves out upon a continuum of convenient dichotomies: liberal versus conservative, establishment versus anti-establishment, etc. And they prefer those who engage in politics, from within or without, to adhere to these confines. Rush Limbaugh: conservative. Keith Olbermann: liberal. Et cetera. Journalists prefer, in other words, to set the terms of political engagement.
But Beck refuses to follow the rules. He refuses, even, to acknowledge the existence of any rules in the first place. He is not quite conservative; he is not quite anti-establishment. And the fundamental incoherence of his expressed political positionsāwhich, as Nate Silver points out, are actually quite in line, in their incoherence itself, with the eclectic hodgepodge of most Americans’ political viewsāthwarts the angled lines of our narrow political frames. Beck is his own gurgling amalgam of definitions, his own strange blend of identities and anxieties. He denies, finally, to be mapped–by denying the legitimacy of the map itself. As Glenn Greenwald puts it,
Beck’s growing deviation from GOP (and neoconservative) dogma. Increasingly, there is great difficulty in understanding not only Beck’s political orientation but, even more so, the movement that has sprung up around him. Within that confusion lies several important observations about our political culture, particularly the inability to process anything that does not fall comfortably into the conventional “left-right” dichotomy through which everything is understood.
Thereās something admirable about that, to be sureāsomething even, dare I say, Americanābut thereās something immensely disturbing, too. Call it the anxiety of the outlier: thereās nothing more frustrating than someone who refuses to play by the rules. And when that someone has millions of devoted followers…there’s nothing scarier, either.
And thatās particularly so within the larger context of the current moment in journalismāa moment that finds us preoccupied, even more than we usually are, with definitions themselves. Congress is currently reviewing two billsāone from the House, one from the Senateāwhich, in proposing a legal shield for journalists, also grapple with that perennial yet increasingly pivotal question: Who is a journalist in the first place? Thatās a different question now than it was ten or five or even two years ago; and itās a question, of course, wrapped up in the transitionāgradual but also, seemingly, suddenāfrom journalism as a narrowly professional identity to journalism as a broader cultural activity.
The doors to American journalism are open wider than they have ever been before. Thatās a good thing, generally; but it also means, of course, a decline in the power journalists have to define the spaces and set the terms of our political conversation. And it means that the story we tell ourselves about who we are no longer contains a single plot line. It is now a jumble, populatedāand, increasingly, defined byācharacters like Glenn Beck. In that way, Beck is a kind of printing press incarnateārevolutionary, explosive, and teeming with attendant anxieties. He is a tongue-wagging metaphor for the cognitive confusion of our journalistic moment. He is, among everything else, a reminder of the new world that professional journalists must come to terms withāa world in which one answer to the question of āwho is a journalist?ā might just be: Glenn Beck.
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