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Sometimes itâs hard to know when Tom Brokaw is actually gauche or playing gauche; actually ironic or ironizing his own irony.
On Meet the Press, Brokaw played a clip of McCainâs interview last week with the editorial board of the Des Moines Register, featuring a woman off-camera who notes that âfairly conservative Republicans have expressed doubts about Palin.â
âReally!â says McCain, voice dripping acid. âI hadnât detected that. And I havenât detected that in the polls, I havenât detected that amongst the base. We get 20,000 people that come to our, our rallies. So, again, I fundamentally disagree. Now, if thereâs a Georgetown cocktail party person who, quote, calls himself a âconservativeâ and doesnât like her, good luck. Good luck.â
To which Brokaw added: âNow, thatâs the John McCain that weâve all come to know over the years… [Guest Peggy Noonan interrupted: âGod bless himâ] … from time to time, and people have found it to be part of his charm.â
The sarcastic McCain whom âweâve all come to know over the yearsâ (the âallâ is a particularly nice touch) is, according to Brokaw, âcharming.â Or else Brokaw was being sardonic himself when he spoke of McCainâs nastiness as âcharm.â
As usual the roundtable featured zero outspoken liberals to one outspoken conservative, Noonan, who started a bit euphemistically about McCain and needed an assist to get to the obvious: âthereâs a sense of containment that you see with him more and more, where he is containing a certain amount of hmm, indignation, anger, âŚwhatever it is, but he has to contain it.â In the absence of a liberal counterpart around the table, it fell to Gwen Ifill, herself a paragon of self-restraint during the Thursday night debate, to come back: âNot terribly well. I mean, sarcasm really is not containment.â
Brokaw devoted much of his show to the polls and other tactical horserace paraphernalia. But he invited Noonan to express her sober view that the campaign falls short of what the country deserves:
We are living in the age of the unknowable, of weapons of mass destruction, of crazy people who can get and harness these things and who can come and hurt usâŚ.When you keep your mind on that fact and that we may in our country face difficult days ahead, and even immediately ahead, when you keep your mind on that, you realize, whoa, this old partisan gamesmanship, this âtear out his throat,â all of that stuff, itâs over, itâs yesterday. What we need now is grace. We need real patriotism, which patriotism isnât used as a weapon in a campaignâŚ.We got to be our best selves right nowâŚ.We got to be adults. I sometimes think one of the problems in America is there are too many people that donât want to embrace the role of the simple grown-up and show the maturity and forbearance of a grown-up.
Presumably the candidate deficient in âmaturityâ and âforbearanceâ was the senator from Arizona.
But while paying tribute to an America made up of adults that is therefore due an adult debate, Brokaw passed up several chances to upgrade the discourse. Consider, for example, the moment when David Yepsen of the Des Moines Register said:
in rural America the Republican brand is not doing as well as it once was. McCain still leadsâŚall across the country in rural parts, but itâs not by this margin that he needsâ
Brokaw had an ideal opportunity to shed some light. Given the recent jamboree of talk about âsmall townsâ and âMain Streetâ as constituting an America that is more âreal,â more âauthentic,â more âheartlandâ than the rest of America, wouldnât you think this would be an teachable moment for telling people how much of the country is actually rural? The 2000 census classifies 19.7 percent of the country as living outside metropolitan areas. Of these, it classifies 11.6 percent of the population as strictly ruralâsmaller than the percentage of African-Americans or Hispanics in the population, although these are frequently called âminorities.â Must the anchors go on genuflecting to a shrinking âheartland,â pandering as if its residents are the ârealâ American soul? There are 3.6 times as many Brooklynites as Alaskans, for exampleâare they chopped moose?
Brokaw closed with this: âIsnât it also time for these candidates toâŚsay to the American people, âYouâve got a role in this, too. Youâve got to step up.â Weâre not going to make gain without some pain here in the next year, and, in fact, the American people have been part of the problem that we have right now. A lot of them took loans that they shouldâought not to have taken. Credit card debt is very high. And they want to turn a blind eye to things like entitlements, Medicare and how weâre going to pay for it.â
Evidently, Brokaw, like Noonan, is attached to an abstract idea of evenhandedness. The assumption is that, until proven otherwise, everyoneâs equally nasty in a nasty world. Everyoneâs equally greedy, equally guilty.
On nastiness, Brokaw did refrain from false equivalence. Earlier in the show, he noted that the McCain campaign has announced that smears directed against Obamaâs âabsence of characterâ and âabsence of leadership qualitiesâ constituted its systematic strategy. Meanwhile, according to Evan Tracey, who tracks national ad spending for the Campaign Media Analysis Group, McCain is devoting almost all his advertising to negative ads, while, to quote Greg Sargent of Talking Points Memo, âof [Obamaâs] $2.4 million weekly, Tracey says, well over half â$1.4 millionâis funding the spot called âReal Change,â which criticizes the status quo but doesn’t mention McCain once.â So credit Brokaw with refraining from phony equivalence on that score.
But as for Brokawâs parting statement, it reflected a largely Republican view of the world, camouflaged as a tribute to fairness and balance. âThe American people have been part of the problem.â How much? Ten percent? A quarter? Three quarters? Half? Such a statement, while balanced, is empty. Of course those who availed themselves of cheap back-loaded loans, assuming the bubble would never burst, are complicit. Missing from this account: the deregulation that permitted the banks to pass the bucks and conceal the bubbleâs dimensions. Missing from this account: the marketing apparatus that shoves credit cards into peopleâs hands. Missing too, under the general rubric of âentitlementsâ: the excellent solvency of the Social Security system, whose efficiency is a modern marvelâthanks to Congress for refusing the Bush privatization that John McCain supported.
Brokawâs bland evasiveness here does not bode well for what we can expect from his turn as moderator, at this Tuesdayâs debate. But then again, Brokaw lowered his own bar.
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